Daniel Gurpide

1. We should be aware that we are living in an interregnum (postmodernity), a period of waiting during which destiny hangs between two options: either to complete the triumph of the egalitarian conception of the world (the end of history), or to promote a historical regeneration.
(CD: Agreed)

2. Is European civilization going to expand or contract? No doubt the free capital to adapt is still there – for how long is another question.

But where is the plan, the idea (the myth) that can ignite consciousness? The Propertarian Institute should have the ambition of designing this map, able to take us to port while avoiding the most obvious pitfalls.
(CD: I think that I see that as our purpose, yes)

3. If we take a look at some of the most recent ‘sovereignty and freedom’ campaigns among Europeans:

A. Catalonian parody: a bunch of flea-ridden commies who proclaimed the independent republic of Catalonia and among other things wanted to outsource the defense of the territory to another European state?!?

B. Brexit fiasco: Nigel Farage, an Englishman with a French name and a German wife, collaborated with Boris Johnson, an Englishman of Turkish descent married to a woman of Indian descent, and Michael Gove, a Scotsman married to a Jewish woman of, probably German descent, to take Britain out of Europe. Also on their team were Priti Patel who was born in London to a Uganda Asian family, and Gisela Stuart who was born in Germany. This dedicated band of ‘Britons’ persuaded the British people to “take back their borders” and keep out the foreigners. If it wasn’t so serious it would be funny. Commonwealth immigrants were entitled to vote in the referéndum, but Europeans settled in the UK were not entitled. Also barred from voting were Britons living elsewhere in Europe . Most likely in a near future: Labour comes back to 10th Downing Street with James Corbyn (an admirer of Hugo Chaves) as PM.

C. Ukrainian tragedy (among the different intra-european nationalist projects, I have the warmest feelings for Ukrainians): Ukraine should have played the role of connecting bridge between Russia and the EU. After a series of catastrophic decisions (I don’t want to start apportioning blame now), the relations with Russia will remain fouled for a long, long time, and economic integration with the EU will not be a possibility for at least 40 years (I think that is the ultimate goal ofthe Russian military campaign in the East).
Old formulas, disconnected from historical and geopolitical reality, do not work.
(CD: I have too much knowledge of ukrainian circumstances and I see the Intermarium as necessary, not the preservation of ukraine as a torn state.)

4. Europe, despite current appearances, continues to be the only reality with potential historically to mobilise the European population. This is much more than so in respect of either the tangible and concrete nation-states—devoid today of any vis politica—or of those regional tendencies that will never come to represent even vestigial resistance to the formation of already moribund nation-states. In this sense—and contrary to anti-European propaganda—struggle for the construction of Europe is the most ‘realistic’ political position currently available.

(CD: I see a europe with a weak judicial federation in the ancient model, rather than a peer of the USA. So I see the opposite. The restoration of the european model with a weak federal judiciary (the role played by a church).

5. An extension of patriotism is needed—a higher patriotism which proclaims: ‘I am a European and therefore the heir of an ancient culture which has civilised the whole world.’ Only then will Magna Europe dominate the world, as is its birthright.

(CD: well, people pay the cost of patriotism when it is in their interest, either to seize an opportunity or to prevent a harm.)

6. Imperium and Empire must not be confused with each other. In fact, the notion of Imperium has found its truth and perfect realisation more in efforts that led to the establishment of the Roman Republic than in the maintenance of the post-Julian Empire. The notion of Imperium reflects a will to cosmic order, and it is this order that organises hierarchically the various ‘gentes’ living under the protection of Rome. In theory and in practice, Imperium is at the antipodes of any sort of ‘universalism.’ It does not seek to reduce humankind to one and the same; rather, it seeks to preserve diversity in a world heading towards unification.

(CD: I think I can express that less emphemistically but yes. the problem is, what is the incentive. Or rather *the incentive is intuitied by some. But in this interregnum, the market for various incentives has caused a bifurcation.*)

7. I also see speciation as an opportunity. But this time, speciation will take place due to a self-conscious decision, and the whole planet will be its stage. In that sense, I’m a Nietzschean, as you know. He was the first thinker who, in view of a world-history emerging for the first time, asked the decisive question and thought through its metaphysical implications. The question is: Is man, as man in his nature till now, prepared to assume dominion over the whole earth? If not, what must happen to man as he is, so that he may be able to ‘subject’ the earth and thereby reclaim an old legacy? Must man as he is then not be brought beyond himself if he is to fulfill this task? This thinking concerns us, concerns Europe, concerns the whole earth not just today but tomorrow even more.

(CD: This last bit takes some work to get thru. But I see the choice of monopoly world order of increasing parasitism and dysgenia, and market world order of increasing eugenia as a fairly obvious one. )

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